INDIAN POLITICAL PARTIES

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Candidly speaking, India has no political creed. Most of its politicians are Mpower hungry”. They follow a creed only if it feeds their vested interests. Indians, sunworshippers as they profess to be, are invariably worshippers of the rising sun. The reason for all this is very simple. Most of the Indians are illiter­ates. The semiliterates secure a surface knowledge and yet profess to be wellversed in politics. Their knowledge of politics, however, does not go beyond Coffee House, They harangue and talk aloud their knowledge of politics and express their political opinions based only on the knowledge they get from daily papers. Here again, they neither buy the papers nor scan them thoroughly. They just skip over the news and notes from borrowed papers and deve­lop their political opinions by a stretch of imagination. This all, thus ends in shifts in political structure of various parties or crea­tion of new ones every now and then.

An Indian by nature is moneyminded.   He thinks of bis personal gains and the benefits he would derive, if he joins a political group.  There and then alone be takes to the signing of its primary membership.  Deny an aspirant a ticket to the Muni­cipality, a Corporation, an Assembly or the Parliament and he goes off the group, after finding a number of faults in the orga­nisation of which he was admirer of a few days earlier.  Deny an aspirant member of the Parliament and he switches off to some other group.  This has all resulted in the breakup of various political parties and creation of new ones and their defections nave been a daily phenomena, ft All this goes to prove that indivi­duals in India have no political thinking.

Indians, for centuries, have been crow-worshippers. They believe in blind following of the political hero, till they find a new one to adhere to. Political parties in India have cropped not on this presumption too.

Talking of the existing political parties in India, we have The Indian National Congress, founded by  Sir  A.O Hume  in 1885.  This, the biggest political party, has seen many changes since its birth. At times it has been progressive, at times it has been reformative but it has always been conservative. Conserva­tism of its top notches have ever I kept the intelligentia away from its folds.  There came a time in its life, when it became the torchbearer of freedom. Every literate person of the day, irrespective of his political thinking hated the British and believed in the freedom of the country and was rightly or wrongly stamped as Congressite. It thus had a big show and claimed to be the biggest political party in the country.

Britain came out of the World War II as a third rate power with a total loss of manpower and a shattered economy, and had to wind up the Empire where the sun never sets. In the liquidation of that Empire India got its freedom. The outgoing lords accepted the National Congress as the leading political party and handed over the administration to it. Since 1947, the dawn of independence, this party has kept the power. At times it has had many changes. The latest was the walk out of those stalwarts, who reorganised themselves as Congress (O).

Power is a big weapon. With the sway of this weapon the Congress (N) has maintained its supremacy through every now and then dissenting groups walk away to form new parties. Dis­solve them and return them according to their vested interests.

Another political party, an offshoot of Hindu Maha Sabha is Jan Sangh. The late Dr. Shyama Parshad Mukherjee was a member of the India’s first cabinet. When he did not get his seat, he sought prominence by carving out this new political party. He had his admirers in the Hindu politics and these youths adhered to him. Dr. Shyama Parshad’s mysterious death in Kashmir stamped him as a hero and his sacrifice has given a lease of life to the party he had established.

Communist minded Indians are grouped to form the Communist Party of India. Their vested interests have divided them into two groups ;  the C.P.I, and C.P.M.

We have then the Socialists, a group with a mixed ideology. Something of Socialism, something of Communism, but nothing of nationalism sums up their political thinking.

We have then a few political groups at state levels. They must constitute the power hungry politicians and change their creed and nomenclature every now and then.

What India actually needs is just two political groups, a party in power and a party in opposition. There is no strong opposition party in India at present.

THE EVOLUTION OF A SOCIALISTIC STATE IN INDIA.

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The word socialism is now used as the main plank by almost all political parties in India. Unfortunately most of them have only a hazy idea of what it means and how we can evolve a socialistic state in India. Socialism, said Mahatma Gandhi, is a continuing process. It is not a slogan. It is not a doctrine. It is the rational practice of the principles of democracy in the administration of economic affairs.

It has got to be admitted that in spite of the loud protest of our national leaders for the last so many years, we have not yet been able to practise true socialism in our administration. There is a great deal of unequal distribution of the wealth in the country making the rich richer and the poor poorer. To change this unhealthy state of affairs, the present economic and social structure, India has got to be radically changed. While thousands of acres of fertile land are in the grip of the Indian princes and the big farmers who have successfully evaded the abolition of their zamindaries by the power of their money, millions of land less cultivators roam about the countryside often unable to get two meals a day. In the towns and cities, again, a minute portion of the population—property owners, businessmen and capitalists  roll in wealth and enjoy every luxury of life while the majority continue to live below subsistence level. The factory hand the school teacher, the office clerk hardly get a living wage and tad it difficult to make two ends meet.

As Jawaharlal Nehru once passionately remarked ”I must frankly confess that I am a Socialist and a Republican and no believer in Kings and Princes or in the order  which produces the modern Kings of industry, who have greater power over the lives and fortunes of men than even the Kings of old and whose methods are as predatory as those of old feudal aristocracy”. India has to take a socialistic path because we feel that there is no other way of eradicating poverty. Democracy is the base of our socialism. Democracy confers many rights on the individual. These rights have corresponding duties,” Our greatest duty is to help the nation to achieve progress.  The peasant, the labourer, the industrialist, the businessman, the teacher and the employee, artists, writers and thinkers, all have an equally great responsibility in this task, which they should discharge faithfully.

The present Government is aware of the stupendous nature of the problem. Many sections of our society have suffered neglect for centuries. There are the Harijans, the adivasis (tribal people) the hill people and the minorities. Then there is the problem of the landless cultivators and the large number of unemployed young men in our country. Special attention is being given to them. Special programmes for their welfare have been drawn up for them. Many development programmes have been launched. The purpose of these programmes is the removal of poverty. But still much remains to be done. We must wage a relentless war against poverty and for this the earnest cooperation of all classes of people with the Government is necessary. Resort to violence have no place in a democracy and they need no atmosphere of confrontation between the Government and the people. The governance and development of the country is a shared responsibility from which no individual or section of community can escape.

We thus find that Socialism in its context in India can best be defined as a scheme of things in which poverty should be eradicated; inequalities between the rich and the poor should be  reduced ; the backward and undeveloped sections of the people should be helped ; and there should be equal distribution of national resources. This is our socialism, and this is our goal. We should all work wholeheartedly to achieve this goal.

One of the main causes of the economic disparity in India is that only a few big business groups controlled the banking system of the country. This has been an important contributory factor in the growth of monopolies in a private sector. They have not been efficient instruments in the mobilisation of deposits and the provision of credits for worthwhile purposes in different parts of our country.

ROLE OF NEWSPAPERS IN INDIA

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A Newspaper has been officially defined as “any printed periodical or work containing public news or comments on public news”. Each news­paper or journal tries to establish its identity and win the loyalty of its readers through a combination of words, pictures, cartoons, presentation techniques, distinctive comments and exclusive news stories. Almost every newspaper lives on criticism and exposure of those who abuse their authority, misuse their powers and resort to corruption in various ways. Newspapers also contain public grievances and reflect public opinion. A newspaperman, ac­cording to Napoleon, is a “grumbler, a censurer, a giver of advice, a regent of sovereigns, a tutor of nations”. Four hostile newspapers, he said, were more to be feared than a thousand bayonets.


In India newspapers have undeniably a vital role to play and an im­portant duty to perform, both as “vox populi” (voice of the people) and a builder of public opinion. The Press is the common man’s university—it is pulpit, theatre and counsellor; all in one. It is true that the vast majority of the people in this -country are illiterate, and even from among the literate persons, two-thirds cannot or do not read newspapers. Reading and understanding newspapers require a certain degree of intellectual capacity and comprehension which the Indian mass do not possess.
It is believed that not more than 20 per cent people in India read newspapers. Out of these the number of those who read editorials, com­ments and interpretative articles is probably less than half. The others merely read the headlines or only the most significant news of the day. Young men mostly read the sports news and film reviews; the traders and other business-minded people confine themselves to the commercial page which provides them with the latest market quotations of shares, stocks and the various commodities, apart from the prices of gold and silver. Old, retired people, who wish to pass time somehow, read newspapers from end to end—even matrimonials. If we exclude these categories of newspaper readers, the per-, centage of those who have a genuine and sustained interest in national and international developments, or who avidly read editorials and special articles on the editorial page is very low.
But it is this intelligent section of Indian society, though small, which matters a great deal to both the rulers and the ruled. They are the national or State leaders, academicians, teachers and lawyers who speak up for the
voice their grievances against mismanagement of public affairs M VifJQUl levels. They also serve as a link between the government of the fifty Will the people. The government’s policies and actions are conveyed to Uttf people, and the latter’s views forcefully expressed to make the authorities IWMI of public feelings. Newspapers, thus, complete the chain of action IHM) itmcllon.
The Press can perform its true role as a guardian of the public interest, I Wllchdog and a source of all kinds of information, only in a democracy. TNi newspapers in India, for the most part, enjoy freedom of expression; lh*y If9 not State-controlled. Of course, all journalists and newspapers must ftlWJllon within the law and must not infringe the regulations regarding libel tttd defamation, otherwise they would make themselves liable to penal ac-llfWi Even while observing the limitations of the law, the newspapers have I Wide field which they fully cover and exploit. In fact, the freedom which lltdlun newspapers enjoy is the envy of people in other countries of Asia, Where1 there is military dictatorship, autocratic rule, prolonged spells of MMfgency, during which the fundamental rights of citizens are blatantly tailed. Every dictator, and even several Prime Ministers of democratic Itflme*, frown at a free Press and prefer loyal, committed newspapers.
AH newspapers do not, however, play a positive and constructive role •XptCted of them. There is a section of newspapers in this country—and, Unfortunately, steadily increasing in number—which indulges in blackmail, IMOrtlon of money, concessions and gifts (particularly at the district and MMll town levels). That is the Yellow Press, the black sheep in the profes-llon. They indulge in substandard journalism, distort truth, exaggerate juicy IMWl reports, violate all ethical standards and fawn at the feet of Mammon.
What Jefferson said about newspapers generally applies to Indian jour-Mll ilao. He divided the contents of a newspaper thus: “1st chapter, truth; MOOnd chapter, probabilities; third, possibilities; fourth, lies; and the first Qtupter is the shortest.” The guilty newspapersmen should be categorised With black marketeers, smugglers and other anti-social elements. They be-feiy lociety for petty personal gains for themselves, members of their fami-|(M Mid other supporters. They resort to sensationalism and even distortion Qf truth which should be regarded as sacred. The guilty ones inflame pas-llons, incite sensitive people to take revenge against those who are their inemies or who act against their interests. Instead of harmony and concord, Ihty create disharmony and discord.
Newspapers in this country should regard their profession as a noble million of enlightening people, broadening their vision and discouraging lectarian, communal or other divisive trends. It is a pity that many newspa­pers fail to perform their duty towards the Indian masses, most of whom •till have an implicit belief in the printed word, and tend to take as truth sometimes used as a weapon to compel compliance. No newspaper can survive without advertisements, which are the chief prop of their economy, the life-blood of all newspaper enterprises. Many cases of such denial of advertisements have been taken to the Press Council of India, and in most cases the Press Council has censured the conduct of the governments concerned.
However, most of the country’s leading newspapers are owned or dominated by big industrial houses. Consequently, the interests of the general public are often sacrificed at the altar of business.
As in other countries, the newspapers and magazines in India also contain attractive, alluring advertisements. But all advertisements are not, as the cynics believe, a fraud on the public. They contain a lot of informa­tion, about the state of the economy, about the progress of industry, the availability of consumer goods, etc. It is true that most of the advertise­ments are about luxuries and conveniences and are aimed at the affluent classes who have surplus money to buy such luxuries—costly textiles, refrigerators, motor-cars, scooters, electrical appliances, etc. We rarely find the needs of the Indian masses advertised: this is not necessary, either, because no newspaper publicity is needed to persuade people to buy the necessaries of life.
Newspapers are in essence purveyors of news and views. That is the function they can perform best in India today.

WILL PARLIAMENT BE ABLE TO TACKLE THE PROBLEM OF CRIMINALISATION OF POLITICS IN INDIA

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Introduction:

Corruption in high places has become the order of the day. In the blind pursuit of power, – what matters is the result, not the means. What was known to the public for decades has been reported by the Vohra Committee – that there is a nexus between politicians and criminal ele­ments and there is a proliferation of criminal gangs under political patronage. The Union Government has been slack in dealing with this menace.Though the Union Home Secretary is the chairman of the nodal agency and the chiefs of intelligence agencies are members, and inter­act almost on a daily basis with each other, nothing seems to have come about from their meetings, which means the nodal agency is an eyewash. If our democracy is to survive the onslaught of criminal elements—the organised crime—on the system, there is need to take urgent and decisive steps. Do we have the po­litical will to do so? Can the Indian public be roused to demand stern action against this nexus?

ESSAY

Politicians, devoid of a record of service, sacrifice and a mass base, need money and muscle power to retain their positions and to bludgeon their constituency into submis­sion. Criminal elements thrive on wrong doings and they need someone to keep the police away off their back. They also need the cooperation of the bureaucracy to regularise their illegal activities.

The police and the bureaucrats need political patronage to have comfortable postings and a smooth advancement in career. Thus, a mutually beneficial relationship develops between these three. Once the politician reaches a particular stature and develops clout, he dictates terms to the police and bureaucracy much to the delight of the criminal ele­ments. The bonds become stronger and one finds it difficult to survive without the help of the other and a point of no return is reached.-

Organised crime is opposed to all values cherished by a liberal democracy. Its activities deny the basic human rights to the havenots and undermines the principle of rule of law and equality before law. It vitiates the electoral process by denying the opportunities to many to exercise their franchise freely. It undermines the rights of women, children, labour and others. As a first step, all national political parties in the country should realise the threat to the foundation of democ­racy from organised crime.

Existing laws are woefully inadequate to deal with vari­ous manifestations of organised crime. There is need for a special law like other countries to deal with this menace. We need special courts and suitable modifications in the Crimi­nal Procedure and Evidence Acts to deliver justice fast. The inability of the system to deal firmly with, breach of public peace, extortion, protection rackets, gambling, pros­titution, drugs leads to the development of organised crime.

Organised crime treats the system with contempt and exploits the loopholes in law. A pro-active, public spirited judiciary can change this scenario. The law should be imple­mented in spirit and criminal elements should not be allowed to get away. For example, while the slogan, ‘Bail is a right’ may be commendable in respect of lawabiding citizens, its denial to a criminal prevents many a crime and serves a social purpose. Since granting of bail is the discretion of the judiciary, it should be exercised in the larger interests of society. Re-establishment of the rule of law is a sure way of deciminating the organised crime. Members of the public and non-governmental organisations can play a vital role in this sphere.

The police and the bureaucracy are at the mercy of politicians for’their survival. A politician’s displeasure would mean harassment such as frequent transfers and disruption in career advancement. Therefore the rule of the game is to toe the line of politicians. Since the police and bureaucracy act as catalysts for the growth of the nexus between the politician and criminal elements, it is necessary to liberate them, to make both the wings of the -government people-oriented and act without fear or favour. Control of politicians over them should be carefully structured. The recommenda­tions of the National Police Commission to establish a State Security Commission should be vigorously implemented. Similarly, there is need to establish an autonomous State Administrative Commission. Activities of organised crime transcend state and national boundaries and are illegal. To deal with them effectively and bring them to book, profes­sional expertise of a high order in detection, investigation and application of science and technology are called for. The Central Bureau of Investigation possesses all these. As part of Interpol network, it has access to the resources of national police agencies all over the world. It has a reputation for impartiality and integrity.

It is in the fitness of things that the CBI should be made the nodal agency and the clearing house for all information on organised crime. A separate wing styled as anti-organised crime division should be opened in the CBI with an additional director as its head. This division should have officers in all metropolises and cities where organised crime thrives. Its members should be deputed to visit Italy, the US, France and other countries which have a well established network and study the work of law enforcement agencies there.

The nexus between politicians and criminal elements is worldwide. Unlike India, in other countries, swift action is taken and tainted politicians are made to retire from public life. A standing joint parliamentary committee on ethics in political process should be established. Ali reports of links of politicians with criminal elements and doubtful sources of finances of politicians and political parties should be referred to this committee. For investigation of specific allegations, this committee should use the services of the anti-organised crime division of the C.B.I. To take heed on the nexus, a moral courage and vision is needed. It is said, that since 1967 and particularly after 1977, the Indian National Con­gress has allowed itself to be dominated by lumpen ele­ments. Their success at the grassroots level had spurred other parties, with little or no hope of coming to power, to refine the strategy. This has resulted in the criminalisation of the political process. The recent Tandoori murder in New Delhi, is a case in point. Political sagacity demands that leaders should cry a halt to this downward trend in ethics of politics. Leaders of the nineteenth century paved the way for democracy in the twentieth century. What will be the claim of our present day leaders and how will they be remembered in twentyfirst century? Defenders and preservers of demo­cratic values or as harbingers of lumpenisation of political process? There is time yet to avert an adverse verdict of history. Without wasting time, let us act decisively.

The words much maligned and brandied about these days are “crime and politics”, “criminalisation of politics” and “politicisation of crime”. Why is there such uproar about the nexus between crime and politics has assumed such mon­strous dimensions that it seems to shake the confidence of the public and threatens the very existence of our body politic. In fact, the shadow of crime, of late, has been crippling the legislative bodies to such an extent that a question often, raised is whether the system of democracy which we have adopted with such gaiety and gusto will survive.

It is the elected members of Parliament and State legislatures as custodians of public welfare—some of whom become Ministers and Chief Ministers—who decide the des­tiny of the country. They play a pivotal role in shaping the policies and programmes for the welfare of the people through appropriate legislation. Hence the paramount importance attached to the elected representatives, and their activities on the floors of Parliament and State legislatures.

In view of the onerous responsiblities cast on members of the legislative bodies, the founding fathers of the Consti­tution, through Article 102 (1), have laid down some disquali­fications for such membership. Besides, Parliament, in pursuance of the powers granted under Article 327, has further enacted the Representation of the Peoples Act, 1951 governing the elections which contains some more additional disqualifications. A member of a State legislature is also disqualified on the same grounds.

The Constitution makers optea tor a parliamentary system of government with the pious hope that only people of unimpeachable conduct and character, inspired with a deep-seated commitment to do selfless service to the people would enter the portals of Parliament and State legislatures.

But, alas , it has not taken much time for the expecta­tions of the architects of the Constitution as well as the people who have entertained high hopes about their elected representatives to be belied. The legislative bodies have lost their luster, what with people of proven record of crime trooping in through abuse of money, muscle and liquor, thus making a mockercy of the august institutions they happen to be members of.

Hearty pleasantries, sense of humour, sparkling repar­tees, enlivening debates, inspiring arguments and counter arguments cutting across politics, pride and prejudice which were the characteristic features of the legislative bodies in the past are conspicuous by their absence now. Instead, ugly andunruly scenes, such as firsty cuffs, invading the will of the house, besieging of the Speaker’s podium and exchange of unparliamentary epithets have become the hallmarks of our parliamentary democracy. Discipline, decency and deco­rum have been cast away.

Adjournments, some times more than once, on a single day, on flimsy and rivolous grounds, causing a loss of crores of rupees to the Central and State exchequers, have become a rule rather than an exception. Seldom have we seen the Treasury benches andthe Opposition working on tha same wavelength even on issues relevant to the welfare of the people.

The political situation in India is such that crime has infiltrated politics and political parties on such a massive scale that the lines of demarcation between crime and politics, criminals and politicians are blurred. Criminals mas­querading as politicians are calling the shots resulting in a steady erosion of the confidence of the public in the very system of parliamentary democracy. A new brand of politi­cians steeped in crime and oblivious of our glorious heritage have appeared on the political firmament and are holding the country to ransom. Rape, murder and abduction for money have become as routine as anything else in almost all the states. No political party, whatever be its strength and stature, can feign innocence of such criminal activities. Politics has become highly criminalised, particularly , in Bihar and U.P. the two biggest states which send the largest contingent of members to the Lok Sabha.

This canker of crime is noted in all walks of life. A tenant who does not pay the rent and even refuses to vacate the house, ultimately yields at the intervention of goons, backed by political heavyweights. Where the aggreived parties hesi­tate to approach the courts either because of the prohibitive cost of litigation or because of abnormal delay in the disposal of the cases by the courts, they approach the goondas who in turn dispense instant justice. The goons, with the bless­ings of the politicians have usurped the privilege and duty of the Court. Reprehensible activities are indulged in by the mafia gangs with the full protection and partonage of the politicians in power.

It is reported that Phoolan Devi, bandit queen of Madhya Pradesh, who for a long time sent shivers down the spine of many a policeman in and around the Chambal Valley may contest against Ms. Mayavati, the Chief Minister of UP, in the next elections. She thinks she may be killed by the police in a false encounter at the instance of Ms. Mayavati. Phoolan Devi, notorious for her ruthlessness, was seen in a photo­graph that appeared in a newspaper smiling standing by the side of Mr. V.P. Singh, former Prime Minister. A more shocking spectacle cannot be conceived.

The violence that was let loose in the State Guest House at Lucknow on Ms. Mayavati and her supporters on June 2, 1995 by the activists owing allegiance to Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav, former Chief Minister, is still fresh in our memory. A cabinet rank Minister of U.P., a criminal turned politician, gate crashing into a police station, wielding a gun, has not yet vanished into oblivion. In Andhra Pradesh, Kondapali Sitaramaiah is still referred by his friends and foes alike. He is the partiarchal figure in the naxalite movement (called the People’s War Group), responsible for the death of hundreds of innocent persons and still a force to reckon with, intending to contest the elections, at the same time asserting that he would rebuild the naxalite party. What would be the fate of democracy and its cherished institutions if persons like K.S. were to enter the portals of legislatures?

The bomb blasts that occurred sometime ago in Bombay resulting in the death of several persons and the alleged connection of underworld mafia gang with political leaders are only too well-known to be repeated here. The gruesome murder of Naina Sahni, by her husband Sushil Sharma, an influential Youth Congress activist being a suspect, sent shock waves across the country.

Parliament elections are held every five years. Every politician tries to show himself virtuous to be virtuous. No purpose will be served by mere rhetoric perorations and fulminations denouncing the nexus between crime and poli­tics and its baneful effect on the body politics. Nor will any amount of sermonisation stem and stall the steady flow of crime into politics. What is urgently required is some con­crete action calculated to restore the sagging confidence of the people in the very existence of democratic institutions. It is time for all the political parties to pause and ponder over the steps urgently needed to weed out the criminal elements from their parties.

The set of disqualifications prescribed in Article 102(1) of the Constitution and the People’s Representation Act fall short of the panacea needed to cure the disease of crime afflicting the democratic polity. There is no educational qualification prescribed for membership many of the parlia­ment. Hence quite rich veterans are compelled to buy lot of votes by money. The prospect of political parties imposing on themselves any restrictions in this regard is ruled out. After all, they are the beneficiaries of the infiltration of criminals.

It is therefore incumbent on the part of the Election Commission, to evolve and enact stringent legislation to prohibit the political parties from fielding candidates whose past is tainted with crime and who have better chances of winning through strongarm methods than through merit. The Election Commission should maintain dossiers on the candi­dates and if necessary extend the duration between the dates of nomination and withdrawal. It should be empowered to prevent candidates with a proven criminal record from contesting elections and be empowered to annul the election of such candidates who are found to have aided, abetted or actually perpetrated any crime during the term of their mem­bership of either Parliament or State Legislature by amend­ing the People’s Representation Act. The Election Commis­sion must open a separate cell in its office exclusively for this purpose.

The Government has rejected the. Opposition demand for a parliamentary panel to monitor the implementation of the Vohra Committee report on criminalisation of politics, but in what looked like an attempt to soften the blow, the Lok Sabha Speaker, Mr. Shivaraj Patil, accepted in principle the idea of setting up an Ethics Committee of Parliament. The Committee would regulate the conduct of MPs with a view to minimising the scope for corruption.

For its part the Government, keen to establish that it was serious about decriminalising politics, supported the Opposition motion demanding action on the Vohra Committee’s report. The motion, moved by the Janata Dal leader Mr. Ram Vilas Paswan, was unanimously adopted by the House by a voice vote.

Mr. Chavan said the various intelligence agencies would not easily part with information fearing that it might be leaked and therefore a nodal agency to coordinate the follow up was the only solution. Besides, each agency which had gathered intelligence wanted to claim credit for itself rather than share it with another body. The nodal agency which had already been set up could evolve its own investigative mechanism.

The Opposition had strongly opposed the idea of a nodal agency and demanded a parliamentary committee to super­vise implementation of the report. Mr. Arjun Singh had moved an amendment to Mr. Paswan’s motion suggesting an 11-member parliamentary committee for the purpose. The Speaker, while rejecting it, agreed that the leaders could advise the Government on how best to implement the report.

He also accepted the demand for an ethics committee made by the entire Opposition.

Mr. Chavan in his reply said criminalisation of politics was not a party issue and appealled to all parties not to support candidates with criminal record He also urged the States to allow the Centre to investigate cases of “heinous crimes” saying that otherwise New Delhi might be con­strained to pass a legislation waiving the need to seek the State government’s consent in such cases

WHAT CHANGES ARE REQUIRED IN Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act: TADA TO MATCH TODAYS DEMOCRACY ?

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Introduction :

Playing politics will soon become the na­tional sport of India. For the nearer we get to occasional elections the more feverish action does one witness in the political games. What makes these games extraordinary in the Indian context is their continuance with least regard to, or cognisance of national interest—expedi­ency being adhered to. The furore and fiasco, first over TADA and its repeal, then its pro­posed replacement, the Criminal Law Amend­ment Bill, 1995 is a case in point.

ESSAY

Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, was enacted on May 23, 1985 for a two-year period essen­tially to deal with subversive activities in Punjab and Jammu & Kashmir. Thereafter it was extended through amendments on the due dates in 1987,1989,1991 and 1993. An extension was due again in 1995 on May 23 but was not granted—not because India has become a haven of peace overnight, but because the different political parties, including the ruling Congress, and their respective State governments with eyes firmly on vote banks have found it politically expedient not only to put it away, but also be seen to be keeping away from it. The Congress dilemma was obvious in the manner in which they tied themselves up in knots over the knotty issue of getting the Bill cleared in the Rajya Sabha.

Two major changes between 1993 and 1995 were the root cause of this predicament. One, it had lost the majority in the Upper House. Its insistence on consensus in the matter was thus nothing more than an effort at making a virtue of necessity. Two, a sudden rise in the interest in and a nation-wide debate on the ‘Draconion Law’, particularly after the bomb blast in Bombay.

Though the law over the years gradually came to be extended, used, and abused to some degree, throughout the country, the din over it during recent years is definitely disproportionate and lopsided. Knowledgeable sources in­sist that the hand behind the recent noise against the issue is that of the money-bags in custody or under scrutiny in the Bombay bomb blast cases. And they have, in order to save their own skins, given the issue a communal colour.

The myth that TADA is directed against Muslims has gained currency with each passing day. This despite the fact that data on this tell an entirely different tale. As per Home Ministry statistics excerpt, aside for Kashmir and Gujarat, in the remaining 10 States the number of Muslims arrested under TADA as a percentage to the total arrest is only 4.6 per cent.

However, in such games of political one-upmanship what ultimately counts is the public perception. And this being what it is, the two political poles of the BJP and the NF-LF have taken rigid stands—the former raising the bogey of minority appeasement, the latter of atrocities on the minorities.

The Congress is caught between these two warring camps. As the ruling party at the Centre it has to safeguard and preserve national interest, particularly, the nation’s security—and at the same time secure its own minority vote bank. That too not just in competition with the National Front/ Left Front, but also with its own breakaway group of N.D. Tiwari and Arjun Singh, with sizable chunk of its own partymen exerting undue pressure .one way or another.

The Centre sought a solution to the complex problem through the strategic move of being seen repealing TADA, yet retaining it in another garb to cover its national security flank. But it was faulted and caught on the wrong foot.

Armed with acceptance the extension (17 out of 22 States and Union Territories opted for implementing the Act —the three opponents being West Bengal, Kerala and Uttar Pradesh—and eager to let the world know that the extension was on popular demand from the States the Home Ministry decided first to confer with the opposition parties, then the State Chief Ministers. That too on the pretext that the Centre-is only responsible for the formulation and legislation of the Act. The implementation is to be done by the States, hence their views and concurrence became imperative.

To underline its position further the Home Ministry is­sued a status paper that demolished myths and allegations vis-a-vis TADA and thereby indirectly appealed for its con­tinuance. This prompted its own fireband MP, Mamata Banerjee, to stage a dharna outside Parliament. And raising the suspicions of the other parties particularly of the NF-LF. As a defensive posture they chose not only to close ranks but to adopt a stiff anti-TADA stand.

Wise and wary of the Centre’s moves and with the intention to shift the onus and equally keen to duck and pass the buck, the chief Ministers delivered more shocking punches. Displaying a grand sumer-sault and working in tandem, the NF governments of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Bihar came forward to oppose the Act tooth and nail.

Joining their ranks, surprisingly was Congress-ruled Madhya Pradesh, the State with a sizable Muslim electorate, and Haryana coming half-way through to bring up rear. The attempt by the Congress obviously being not to be left behind. Or be seen as anti-Muslim. Also to keep future options for backtracking and face-saving open.

Ambiguous stands and blatant double-talk by many Chief Ministers provided the Central Government with enough room to introduce a new Bill. But the only change the opposition found was in the nomenclature. Hence it came down heavily on it. Since then the game of seeking and granting of concessions by one group or another has gone on unabated. Meanwhile TADA has expired.

The peculiar fact is that the Bill could, have been passed ages back because the Congress and the BJP together have large enough majority. But the ruling party developed cold feet. Its own members were averse to being seen in the company of the saffron party for fear that it would take away any good-will they would gain by the TADA repeal.

The other supporters, the NF-LF, have been unwilling to play ball. Sources aver that negotiations going the right way suddenly broke down when a couple of rather active, aggres­sive members convinced the team that opposing the Bill and thereby being seen as the champions of the minorities, human rights, etc. would secure far greater electoral benefits than supporting it. Hence they decided to delay. The most difficult to accede being the demand to repeal TADA with retrospective effect. That is letting out those currently in custody.

For one, it is against all tenets of law and justice; secondly, it would mean letting go all the accused of both the Bombay bomb blast case and the Rajiv Gandhi assassina­tion case. Thus the crucial Bill affecting the overall security environment of the country in the face of growing incidence of terrorism is stuck. Because the NF-LF will not support it, and the Congress will not take BJP’s support for the same reason.

With political gamesmanship being the order of the day who could take national interest into consideration ? Or answer the various unanswered questions ? Particularly regarding the need and desirability of an extraordinary law to deal with extraordinary situations. Also whether one is against a law per se ? Or against its abuse ?

That the government is convinced of the need and desirability is obvious as it has introduced a fresh legislation on two grounds. One, that the existing laws are not ad­equate. Two, that extraordinary measures are required to meet the extraordinary situation of rising terrorist violence, and even a proxy war from across the border.

The argument that such laws are not in keeping with democratic traditions does not stand scrutiny. One, it is democracies the world over today that face the gravest threat from terrorists. Two, all these countries have one extraordinarily stringent law or another to deal with it. A nation-wide debate for the same is on even in the US. The need for such laws is doubled as they are meant to deal with not any ordinary criminal but the extraordinary one who apart from being far more prosperous and motivated is also better equipped and trained. Not only vis-a-vis sophisticated weap­onry but also in the art of bending/breaking normal laws. Any opposition to a law meant to deal with such elements is thus not only incomprehensible but also needs to be condemned.

What must however be opposed and condemned with equal strength is the abuse or misuse of the stringent provisions of such laws. Control for this lies in the hands of the user. Now where TADA or its replacement is concerned, the Centre is merely the party enacting the law. Law and order, being a State subject, its implementation is in the hands of respective State governments.

Moreover, TADA or the proposed replacement law is merely an enabling law. Not a mandatory one. The State governments and their political parties have all the discre­tionary powers on earth to control how, when, where or why they should use it to put it to the best use. Different State governments have during TADA’s decadelong life amply demonstrated that even the law labelled as draconian can be totally harmless provided abundant caution and restraint is exercised on or before its use. For example, Chimanbhai Patel’s government in Gujarat has the singular honour for the abuse and misuse of TADA, having resorted to its use 18,686 times—often on political consideration. In contrast, Bihar, the so-called law and order problem State, has not felt the need to use the law at all.

Similarly, though during its first term in the Andhra Pradesh government the Telugu Desam felt the need to use the law over 2,000 times, in the first six months of its last term it has used it only in two cases. On both occasions, the accused were suspected of ISI connections.

Similarly, there is the noteworthy example of Punjab where, as a writer put it: “The twin weapons—a Bill (TADA) and a Gill (KPS)—put an end to terrorist-related subversive activities”. Proof enough that where there is a political will there is always a way. And that all this self-righteous talk of preserving human and/or democratic rights, etc. is humbug aimed at achieving set party political aims and shirking of responsibility.

It is time to blow the whistle. Playing with the nation’s security and integrity is certainly not correct.

THE STUDY OF NOVELS AND ITS VALUE

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Novel owes its birth, origin and existence to the interest which men and women everywhere and at all times have taken in the great panorama of human passions and actions. Novel is in fact the expression of our common interest in human life. Its popularity is primarily due to the fact that it deals with events and actions, with things which are suffered and done by the common people in their ordinary course of life. Moreover, as it represents a certain view of life and deals with the problems of life, even a reader with moderate learning to his credit finds it a happy pastime as well as food for his mind.

However, since the appearance of the novel, there has been a difference of opinion as to whether it should be read or not. There are some who regard the reading of novel not only a wasteful indul­gence of the youth but harmful also. They say that most of them deal with either romantic or unrealistic pictures of passions. The reading of such books poisons the minds of the young and is more injurious to those who do not have sufficient experience of life. It is argued that novel reading is not actually meant for the young. They must be read only when one has gained stability of character and has acquired sufficient knowledge to judge their worth. It is also believed that the habit of reading novels gives distaste for serious studies aod destroys that concentration of the mind which is essentially required in the young.

The first and the most obvious thing of novel reading is amusement or recreation. Life is not only about work. Labor and rest are the order of nature. Recreation is the vital necessity to man. Novel reading gives this recreation to the tired brain and a jaded body. The scholar absorbed in research work or busy with the knotty problem, turns from his serious occupation to some light reading and finds much needed relaxation. Novel reading amuses without taxing the brain. It provides the variety and relaxation which refreshes and strengthens the mind to go on with serious occupations of life.

Indeed novel reading is not merely a pastime. It has certainly a higher use than only recreation. It widens our sympathies and enlarges our knowledge of men and life. Man by nature is conservative his talks and his views are all determined by his way of life. An office going man would talk only of his office and a professor would talk of his college or university. From this narrowness the reading of the novel provides an escape. On its broad canvas are painted different characters and situations, which normally in the course of life we remain unacquainted with. If we had not read them in the novels, we should perhaps have had no idea about them at all. We see the infinite variety of characters,the strange situations in which men may be placed and find the various motives which lead them to act. Thus we come to know different facets of human nature. In this way novel reading gives us the understanding and the know­ledge of men and affairs which helps us in life.

Indeed novel reading is not merely a pastime, It has certainly a higher use than only recreation. It widens our sympathies and enlarges our hnowledge of men and life Man by nature is conser­vative. His talks and his views are all determined by his way of life. An office going man would talk only of his office and a professor would talk of his college or university. From this narrowness the reading of the novel provides an escape. On its broad canvas are painted different characters and situations, which normally in the course of life we remain unacquainted with. If we had not read them in the novels, we should perhaps have had no idea about them at all. We see the infinite variety of characters, read of the strange situations in which men may be placed and find the various motives which lead them to act. Thus we come to know different facets of human nature. In this way novel reading gives us the understanding and the know­ledge of men and affairs which helps us in life.

If a bad novel injures us, a good novel warns us against the pitfalls of life. Dry and abstract moralising novel becomes unpalatable. However, when the temptations and dangers of life are put vividly through living beings, the warning becomes more scute. The similar circumstances which the character or a set of characters face in the novel, may be similar to our present circumstances also. The manner in which they fight them out have a thrilling interest for us. The lessons thus learnt may be ultimately applied to the solution of our real problems.

The complexity and seriousness of contemporary life also finds effective medium of expression in the novel. Though they may not have the completeness of life yet they serve to expose social, political or religious abuses. The reading of such novels awakens and stimu­lates our moral and intellectual curiosity. For example in the novels of Thomas Hardy and for that purpose even of Munshi Prem Chand we get pictures of the social and economic tangle of modern times and the deepest workings of human mind. They provide a psycho­logical insight of the working of human mind. There are even contemporary novelists who have purposefully exposed modern facets of life in Hindi and other regional languages.

Novel is the handmaiden to history. It illuminates dry history and makes it clear, intelligible and interesting. What is a mere jumble of dates and facts in the pages of history, becomes often vivid and living in a novel. Historical novels thus assist us in making history graphic. Only we must not treat historical novels as a piece of true history. The important novelists in Hindi in this respect are Kishori Das Goswami and Brindavan Lal Varma. The novels of Charles Dickens afford a pleasant reading.

The novel is a delightful form of artistic creation and is a reflection of the age to which it belongs. However care should always be taken to choose  good novels but not make novel reading the sole business of our life. It must be read thoughtfully and critically if we are to profit by it. We should always keep in mind that reading is a healthy pastime and can be safe mode recreation for young and old alike.

EAST-WEST DETENTE

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During the latter part of the Sixties both the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. realised the need for giving up their attitude of confronta­tion. Many changes which had taken place and several factors that had affected the balance of power in the world were at the root of such a mood of reconciliation. It was the compulsion of the situa-. tions and expediency that brought about the climate to end the cold war which had for long menaced the peace of the world. The initial efforts in this direction were unfortunately abortive, because of some sudden happenings in some parts of the world, but a keen desire on the part .of both the parties and their sustained efforts to relax tension and to explore better and more cooperation between them ultimately succeeded.
The pace to reduce tension by holding talks between the two super-powers was set by the then U.S. President Mr Richard Nixon, when he visited the U.S.S.R. in May 1972. The talks held between the leaders of the two countries reduced the chances of confrontation and helped in the signing of a number of agreements for bilateral cooperation. The leaders realised that the interests of peace and prosperity in the world could be better served by cooperation rather than by massive arm build-up. In June 1973 Mr. Brezhnev visited the United States, where a series of talks were held to explore further areas of peaceful cooperation in various fields. The arrangements reached at this meeting included the establishment of a joint commis­sion on agricultural cooperation, exploration of under-sea mineral deposits, study of the peaceful uses of atomic energy, expansion of commercial air routes between the two countries, setting a dead-line for a permanent offensive missiles pact by 1975, entering into a non-aggression pact, etc. The summit talks between the leaders of the two super-powers entered the second phase in June-July 1974, when Mr Nixon paid a second visit to Moscow. A substantial progess had been achieved in the process initiated in 1972 and the stage for further exploration was set. Mr Nixon’s Moscow visit in 1974 had three distinct objectives namely, larger-bilateral cooperation, nuclear disar­mament and deconfrontation. The 1974 Nixon-Brezhnev Moscow Summit did not produce as spectacular results as were seen in 1972. Both the leaders, however, signed an agreement on a partial ban on underground nuclear testing, which excluded tests for peaceful pur­poses. The leaders expressed satisfaction over the progress made in various fields of cooperation between the two countries.
After the unprecedented destruction and havoc wrought by the World War II, there appeared a sincere desire on the part of the people in the world to bring a halt to the arms race and reduce and ultimately eliminate arms, which was determined as a precondition to save the world from another holocaust. The question of disarma­ment mainly concerned the two super-powers—the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A., as they alone posssess massive stockpiles of nuclear weapons capable of annihilating the entire world. The responsibility, therefore,of making this planet safe for future generations falls squarely on their shoulders. The awareness of their grave responsibilities, has made it possible for the two powers to start a dialogue called Strate­gic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT). SALT is aimed at reducing the nuclear stockpiles with the two super powers.
The SALT talks held at various places and various points of time have yielded some good results. It was very difficult to reach a parity in the nuclear weapons without hard bargaining. Neverthe­less they are a concrete move towards ending the strategic armament race, which constituted a real threat of a nuclear conflict. They have rightly been called a ‘significant sttp towards world peace’. Though SALT does not guarantee a halt to arms race, it does lay a foundation for future negotiations. By far the most important aspect of the treaty would be limiting to 200 the number of defensive Anti-Ballistic Missiles (A.B.M.) that each side will be allowed to deploy. It was a compromise between the Soviet position that each country should defend only its capital and that of the United States which sought to defend its offensive weapon system. Each of the two powers will be allowed to instal two A.B.M. bases totalling 200 missiles, one defending its capital and the other protecting its offen­sive missile site. Another agreement signed between the two leaders limited the offensive missile force of both the countries. The land based Inter-Continental Ballistic Missiles (I.C.B.M.), deployed by the two countries, will be frozen at their existing level ; similarly the number of missiles-carrying submarines on both sides will be limited to those currently in existence or under construction.
Lack of provision for on-site inspection and banning the use of spy satellites to check compliance with the treaty are the major shortcomings of limitation of arms package. There are attempts to extend the 1972 SALT Agreements into the field of multiple indepen­dently targeted-re-entry vehicles—MIRV, clusters of nuclear warheads that can be fired together but aimed separately, In so far as the MIRV technology and the total number of warheads are con­cerned U.S. appeals to be ahead of the Soviet Union, but in regard to throw weight, or the ultimate explosive force, the Soviet Union appears to have an edge over the U.S.
Detente between the super-powers has achieved its objective, to some extent, of easing the international tension and also of recor­ding substantial progress towards developing peaceful cooperation between the states with different social and economic systems. The shift in the theory of “nuclear superiority” of U.S. strategists yielding place to a new concept of ‘strategic parity’ is welcome and it presents a realistic appraisal of the present correlation of forces. Needless to emphasise the importance of detente, which is so essential for stable trade and economie ties, constructive cooperation, peaceful s ettlement of conflicts, and more so for bridling the arms race and removing the threat of war. To quote Professor Stanley Hoffman of Harvard University, “There is no guarantee that a limited nuclear war, once it has started, could be kept within bounds.” And under the situations that exist today a constructive solution of interna­tional problems is possible only on the basis of complete renunciation of nuclear weapons of whatever form or variety.
It is a welcome sign that there is a greater realisation on the part of all peace-loving countries that detente is the main road to peace and progress. The communique issued at the end of the three-day World Forum of Peace Forces called upon the public and politi­cal bodies around the world to join activities for ending the arms race, barring the road to war and making detente irreversible and universal. With the change of administration in the U.S.A., it is genuinely hoped that the process of detente would receive greater impetus. There is no other option open, because if the efforts for peace are obstructed, all of us will have to pay a heavy price for it.

THE MESSAGE OF GANDHI TO MANKIND.

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Gandhism is not a purely political ideal, far less a distinctive political creed which is followed by any sect of people. Gandhism does not lay down any rigid rules for the acceptance of individual or group conduct.; Gandhism as it is understood today, is based  on Gandhi ji’s experiments with truth and nonviolence, which, according to him, are not his own inventions.

Today man suffers from various problems of the time. He has become the victim of me interplay of destructive forces. It is the unnatural, unhealthy and wrong way of life which man has adopted todays Like a prophet Gandhi stood up to deliver mankind front the doom. He declared the timeless principle of the truth of God and love of fellowmen as the only basis of establishing right human relationship.

Gandhi by his sincerity of spirit, his freedom from hatred and ill-will, his mastery over himself, his human, friendly charity showed to the World the right path of life. Hence, Gandhism seeks to restore religion as a potent factor in human life. With Gandhi religion was the inspiration of his life. To him it was the abiding faith in the absolute values of truth, love and justice. His religion was the religion of truth. He believed that most ignorant among mankind hate some Truth in them.

Gandhi made ceaseless efforts in search of truth, “To find truth completely is to realise oneself and one’s destiny, in other words, he become perfect”. Gandhi never claimed superhuman powers, not
strongly advocated the weaknesses of the body and the mind can be conquered through prayers and fasts and through practice of love. The aim of Gandhism is to raise the moral standard individual, and through individual the moral standard of the society as a whole.

Gandhiji believed in the essential goodness of things. His religion was a practical one. He assumed that his way of life was clean, right and natural. He said that if truth, love and justice are not found in the world, then we are leading unnatural, unhealthy and wrong life. For Gandhiji, sanctity and the service of man were inseparable He said, ”The world is my family”. He was keenly sensitive to the  pains of the world and longed to wipe every tear from every eye.

Gandhi said, ‘My devotion to truth has drawn me into politics and I can say without the slightest hesitation, and yet with all humi­lity, that those who say that religion has nothing to do with politics  do not know what religion means’.  He believed in the satisfaction of all life. “Politics divorced from religion was for him a corpse fit only to be burned.  Politics is not only a struggle for power and wealth. A true politician must dedicate himself to the task of enabling the people to attain the good of life, to raise the quality of human beings, to train them for freedom and fellowship, for spiritual depth and social harmony.

However, it is a pity that even in India, his own land of births Gandhism has not yet been accepted. His critics point out that Gandhism is for export only. It is Utopian and has only a poetic appeal. It is unpractical, and may succeed as an interesting experi­ment on a limited scale.  It must be realised that Gandhi preached no gospel but of truth,’love and justice which right thinking people with all earnestness and sincerity Of heart can practice.

IS STATE IS ABOVE THE LAW?

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The importance of the rule of law had been realised long ago and the fhcl tins been vouched for not only by Indian but also the western thinkers. Bven In the Mahabharata, Dhritarashtra speaks to Yudhisthira extolling the Importance of Dharma — “State can only be preserved by Dharma — under Ihe rule of law.” Ancient thinkers in the West also backed these very perceptions about the rule of law. Aristotle stated, “The true relation between I»W and government is secured by making the law sovereign and the government its servant.”
Kautilya, in his Arthashastra, explains concept of the State and lUpremacy of the king. However, notable is the fact that he outlines the purpone of a king, who was the embodiment of the State. The rule of law in OUT ancient thought was strictly correlated with the purpose of securing lOClttl well-being. He says, “In the happiness of his populace is the king’s happiness, in their welfare, his own. His good is not that which pleases him, but that which pleases his people.”
But there came a time when the absolutist establishment in the form of the monarch brought in only disillusionment to the people and they sought to replace him with more democratic structures. This new form of government was deliberately not given any control over the judiciary and ill functioning, to ensure that law and justice was served to everyone equitably.
Democracies brought in clearer laws and greater accountability on part of the State, but fact of the matter remains that power has neither lost its luiter nor the intoxication it brings for the bearer. And nothing but the durrent dcenario can demonstrate this fact better. It is the nexus of politicians and bureaucrats that rules the roost. It goes to say that the legislators and executors of law make hay while the sun shines, and the commoners keep voting from the same pool of men to power, albeit in cycles, more from the want of choice than from any hopes.
The legislation of laws that are detrimental to the interest of government is not quite possible today. And if there already exist some, then loopholes cannot remain undetected for long. Why is it so that thewomen’s reservation Bill has not been passed and why is it that the tabling of this Bill causes so much of furore? To cite another instance, why is the declaration of a candidate’s personal details before the elections, protested with all might? They vehemently argued in one voice that the Supreme Court ruling, making it compulsory for election candidates to reveal their criminal past and financial assets, might be abused by the election officials.
The candidates with criminal background still make it in the elections and nothing gets done about it. It does not require genius to figure out what would happen if the wolves were entrusted with welfare of the sheep. This is only one aspect. If there are honest men trying to do their job well, they are either transferred or given the sack. There are countless cases of officials who keep getting posted in and out over and over again, as they prove to be a hindrance. There are very few who survive the raw deal they get, and only their mettle makes them reach out to the people. The rest can only simmer within.
The separation of judiciary from the government is a good measure to check it, but objectivity in approach is still a far cry, as those who sit on judgement are only human and that deteriorates the immunity from arm-twisting or to giving in to the allurement of any kind. Every time a finger is raised against the government, enquiry commissions are set up to investigate charges. But after the entire hullabaloo generated, there is not much that comes out of it all.
The years gone by have witnessed several charges, and equal number of enquiry commissions, but hardly any convictions. The Bofors case has all the possibilities of dying a slow death, just like those involved in it. The Babri Masjid demolition case only gets more frustrating as the trial proceedings prop up the possibilities of a communal lash out once again, in case any of the party is annoyed. Mumbai can only quake and quiver with a similar smell of fear when it comes to cases concerning the Shiv Sena, A team of journalists earns the ire of the government and is harassed continuously upon attempting to expose the rampant corruption.
After all, who has the money and time to fight the State—even if it means a fight for livelihood, housing, etc.! It is then only left to the activists, who only get beaten up in return. There was much to-do when the Lokpal was established, but then who has heard of it lately? These bodies are a temporary respite and then decadence sets in here too. Ministries and departments do not live up to their responsibilities, people suffer deliberations, and everything results only in reams of paper comprising lots of jargon and legalese. This problem is not only limited to India itself. The military government in Pakistan has taken over the State and keeps affecting the laws that suit its needs.
8ueh a state of affairs only corrodes the values that ensure progress Nlltt longevity, and projects the State as predatory and unjust. The one-UpnmnNhlp of the State vis-a-vis the law tends to chip away at the legitimacy ttf the Slutc and makes a mockery of the rule of law. It is high time that Kprencnliitives of the State realise supremacy of the law and restore order Id (Mr own house.

ECONOMY OR ECOLOGY!

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“All development is destructive” is a sweeping statement, as startling as to portray the protection and preservation of ecology as the fad and freak of a few elitist groups, who are out to run down development as the root cause of all our ills and irritations. Charles Reich, in his book “The Greening of America’, writes: “In pre-industrial societies change takes place very gradually, subject at all times to a humanistic, cultural and social system. In contrast, when rapid and drastic changes are made to accomplish specific, scientific or rational objectives, the unconscious, invisible and non-material human values are likely to be neglected. Gradual change allows the cultural tradition to carry along a more balanced set of values. Industrialism was not only violently rapid, it was single-minded, and had little concern for what happened to other values. Industrialism placed man under the rule of laws that were not hurrian.”
Economic affluence, whether in the developed world or in the devel­oping world like India, has its drawbacks. It commonly spoils human rela­tionships and creates forms of environmental degradation that increasingly damage the physical and biological quality of the globe as a whole, for the simple reason that most pollutants spread far beyond their points of emission.
During the early euphoric phase of the industrial revolution, it was almost universally believed that the result of industrial growth would be for the betterment of human life, and that the earth was spacious enough and rich enough in resources to accommodate unlimited growth of the human species and of its ambitions. However, now it has become painfully obvious that the world’s population, especially the population of developing and under-developed countries, cannot safely exceed a level higher than the present one, and that many dangers inevitably follow the undisciplined growth of industry.
The awareness and realisation that there were inescapable limits to quantitative growth rapidly spread from a few specialists to the general pub­lic, generating an explosion of concern for what has come to be called, vaguely, the quality of human life and of the environment. The official ex­pression of this concern was the United Nations’ Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment in 1972, which was soon followed by the creation of international and national agencies focussed on aspects of environmental
IttlN, In 1983, the World Conservation Strategy was published by the It (nvlronment Programme, the World Wildlife Fund and the Interna-til Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, appealing Iftll Millions to bring about economic and scientific development without I’tlon, The World Commission, appointed by the U.N. General As-(ly on Environment and Development in December 1983, took nearly f yettf* to arrive at a finding on the various economic, political and social “lien prevailing in different countries, .which are responsible for irre-ibly damaging the natural resources of the earth, and to suggest rem-I by consensus for the future of mankind. The startling revelation was [ (he earth is one, even if the world is divided by national interests and “” lUei; and it is not mere compassion or philosophy but sheer physical lily that all human activities ought to be influenced by this realisation. JNUemi transcend national boundaries.
The technological explosion has brought in its wake such rapidly ac-”IJHI change in social environment, that those within it are increasingly lit to adjust themselves to the pace of that change. In such a situation, I Confusion and anxiety levels must rise for individuals subjected to i filter than they can adjust to it or they will take the path of least toe and simply be borne along flaccidly on the surface of the flood, Ifllither the desire nor the capacity to make any meaningful decision Helves. It is admittedly difficult, perhaps impossible, to determine •ly in advance the “environmental impact” of human interventions Ural and social systems; but it is certain, nevertheless, that much of Age that was done in the past could have been prevented if environ-I IWareness had-been as widespread as it is now becoming. t No doubt, industrial growth has long been considered desirable, be-j) §f ill contribution to health and happiness, for the creation of wealth, ^~~ly for its own sake. Until recent times, progress was indeed identi-l luch quantitative growth. In contrast, modern societies have begun Jon the desirability of certain innovations that are technologically I end economically profitable, but that have undesirable social as-fc -The evaluation of potential, long-range dangers for human beings H Ihe environment is becoming one of the crucial factors in the lltttlon of technological policies.
During all periods of history, there have been people who believed *iilf time was out of joint, that all coherance was gone. Contemporary Itiim, however, goes far beyond this traditional worry about the state lift. Its new aspect is the assumption that our descendants will be I WOrae off than we are, because the world will have become too com-i fcf COmperhension by the human brain. These developments, together I the recklessly wasteful use of the world’s limited resources by the ad-vanced market economies, even at the cost of damaging the eco-system and denying the poor countries the succour they need desperately, and the disconcerting experience of half-baked modernisation plans, which have distorted both priorities of development and living mores in large parts of the Third World, have made many intellectuals lose heart. Some have joined the campaign to save the environment. Some others wonder how poor coun­tries can save their soul. A few have been provoked into looking far more critically at the whole course of development and feel that the Gandhian legacy offers the best hope.
Mahatma Gandhi’s saying that the future of India is not in mass production, but in production by the masses, may have meaning for the Western world as well. The human tragedies resulting from unemployment may lead industrial societies to rediscover that, except for the dullest, most repetitive, and painful tasks, human beings are better than machines—and certainly more creative.
Much water .has flowed into the Dams, big and small, since Jawaharlal Nehru inaugurated the Bhakra Dam and called it the ‘modern temple’ of progress and prosperity. In between, India has harnessed its water resources in such a way that they could provide electricity to the industry and water to agriculture to enable her to become an industrialised power in her own right, and also become self-sufficient in food as a result of Green Revolution.
But the construction of big dams has not turned out to be a blessed bag of good fortune. According to a World Bank report, big dams the world over have displaced a billion people, including 16 million in India. An ILO report warns that “tribals in Asia and elsewhere in the world face a common threat—submergence under the onslaught of development”.
The tragedies such as the repeated African famines, the leak in Union Carbide’s pesticide factory at Bhopal, and the nuclear disaster at Chernobyl were recent disasters which roused the conscience of international commu­nity to evolve by common consent a code for acceptance by all the nations, towards sustainable development for the advancement of mankind on earth. According to Dr Gordon R. Conway, Imperial College of Science, Technol­ogy and Medicine, London, agriculture too is a global polluter, producing through its normal activities gases such as methane, nitrous oxide, carbon dioxide and ammonia that contribute to acid rain, depletion of the ozone layer and global warming. An agricultural system that does not cause pollution, or at least contamination of the environment” is an impossible goal. However, by designing appropriate technologies, it is possible to ensure that the nature of the wastes is as harmless as possible.
Our environment means our long-term survival, and it is, therefore, not good enough to ignore facts and discuss factoids. We have, in our coun­try, both mass poverty and ecological degradation, which are mutually rein-, economic and developmental goals must have a strong itnl element in them. Today, a major challenge, as also an oppor-i the country is how soon we can move towards sustainability. i If we go on the way we have so far, we will continue to have a India of a large number of poor and dispossessed toilers and I who live in medieval times, arid an affluent India of a small number I who are jet-set and wealthy. In essence, sustainable development M of change in which the exploitation of resources, the direction f n(, the orientation of technological development and institutional I ill In harmony and enhance both current and future potential to I needs and aspirations. Of the most remarkable achievements of the campaigns, con-
I ftoie who have been castigated as eco-freaks or anti-technologists,
Importunity to live in a good environment is coming to be regarded
“Inalienable” rights, along with rights to freedom, to education, I form of medical care. A good environment, furthermore, means I iOIUlltions that are favourable to the maintenance of physical health, ln emotional and aesthetic qualities of the surroundings. These Ewntch are very different from those that governed industrial growth i ire likely to generate new forms of growth in which the quality
II Uke precedence over the quantity of goods produced.
ill are almost completely prisoners of biological evolution, but |l are blessed with the freedom and inventiveness of social evo-can retrace their steps and start on a new course, whenever ahead. They can integrate the raw materials of the earth, [ knowledge derived from past experience and from new learning, * lUOUS evolutionary process of creation.